syrian crisis getting more complicated
Last Updated : GMT 05:17:37
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Last Updated : GMT 05:17:37
Emiratesvoice, emirates voice

Syrian crisis getting more complicated

Emiratesvoice, emirates voice

syrian crisis getting more complicated

Oraib Al Rantawi

No one cares about the parliamentary elections in Syria.  In fact people are more interested in the number of people who actually turned up at polling stations to cast their votes. Did those who did vote do so voluntarily or under pressure? Were Syrians able to participate in all areas across the country, particularly in turbulent areas like Homs, Hama, Idlib, Deir al-Zor and surrounding areas? Were the elections even credible considering the absence of all the opposition factions and revolutionary groups who declared their boycott of the elections early on? The truth is the Syrian elections are a sham which has only deepened the regime’s crisis instead of securing a way out for Syria. The elections represent the helplessness of Syrian reform and represent the state of denial which exists amongst the political and security powers in Syria. What is certain is that May 8 is no different from May 6 and that the Syrian crisis will not be affected with this frivolous and artificial show of democratic protocol. One must consider how the elections can be an expression of Syrian pluralism when the different political and social powers have boycotted it.  How can elections be conducted while large areas of the country are still living under the sword of emergency and martial law? How can elections take place while hundreds of thousands of Syrians have been exiled, put behind bars or have been displaced? How can elections happen when laws still exist which allow the execution of Muslim Brotherhood members?  How can elections take place while the regime denies the existence of political opposition, or brands them as criminal/terrorist gangs? These are questions which the regime and its spokespeople/apologists have not been able to answer. The elections could have been the perfect opportunity for Bashar al-Assad’s regime to find a way out of the crisis.  But only if it had preempted four main steps: First, it should have stopped all military operations and clearly distinguished between a security/terrorist threat and the peaceful activity of the various opposition forces and movements, as well as normalise public life in the country immediately without delay. Second, to release all prisoners and investigate alleged crimes and human rights violations which have reportedly been committed since the outbreak of the revolution, and to allow the return of all poltical dissidents who have ever left Syria and to abolish all laws that criminalise opposition groups and their members. Third, to dissolve the People’s Assembly, dismiss the government, form a national coalition government (which includes all the opposition directions) organise the elections of a constituent assembly that would draft a new constitution, and to draft a temporary package of laws that regulate public life. Fourth, set a near (and I mean near) timetable to run "early" legislative and presidential elections that would set the basis for a peaceful transfer of power and maintain pluralism and freedom of opinion and expression, without the exclusion of anyone, and under an appropriate Arab and international supervision. If the regime had followed the steps set out above the attention of the world would have been directed now to what is inside the ballot boxes in Syria. The elections would have been a coronation of the closure of the crisis, strife and bloodshed taking place in various places across the country.

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