\"Gaddafi had absolute power\"

Mohammad Omar Baayou Tunisia - Nabil Zaghdood In his first interview with the news media since the victory of the Libyan Revolution, the former-Libyan government spokesperson, Mohammad Omar Baayou, has spoken to Arabstoday about his defection, the Gaddafi regime and the strength of the Libyan people. In an interview from Misrata, where he fled for his safety on February 19th, Baayou has said that the situation was so dangerous, that “all of those who stayed in Misrata ended up either a martyr or a victim.” AT: When did you start working with Gaddafi? MB: I worked in a number of different jobs within the Libyan regime after graduating from Qaryones University in 1984. Don’t forget my generation were just children when Gaddafi came to power in 1969. I worked in the economy, popular local committees and in the media. I never worked within my specialty, the political and diplomatic corps, for two reasons. Firstly, I didn’t want to live outside Libya and I was very aware from the beginning that the regime was involved in terrorism, espionage and corruption. Secondly, I have always expressed my own opinion, which was often contrary to what the regime wanted. I have evidence to show that I stood up to the regime on many occasions. AT: When did you decide to abandon Gaddafi? And why didn’t you join the revolution in Benghazi? MB: Now is not the time to compete over who abandoned Gaddafi first, particularly given that some people are only joining the revolution now that it has been victorious.   I was the first person to appear on Al-Jazeera to explain the demonstrations on February 16th. At the time, I said: “people will not leave the streets until they get their rights.” I also asked the government to avoid using weapons to break up the demonstrations, and condemned the Libyan media. I thought that the truth of the revolution was very clear – it was being carried out by people who rose up against the dictatorial regime at extreme cost to themselves. I left Tripoli for Misrata three days later (February 19th) in fear of my life. I had the choice to stand by my people and the revolution, or side with Gaddafi and his family.  Thank God I chose the side of victory. I thought that staying in Misrata was better than going to Benghazi. Benghazi might have been the capital of the revolution, but Misrata was its fortress of resistance and national unity. This revolution has drawn a line between two times; the time of fear, silence and shame under Gaddafi, and the time of revolution, rejection and dynamism. People had two choices, to either continue their loyalty and acceptance of the Gaddafi regime, or leave it. But the price of abandonment could be death. AT: How did the regime react towards your statements? MB: The regime threatened to kill me that night (February 16th), forcing me to flee to Misrata. I had my next media interview with MBC (an Arabic television station) on the 19th, my first day in Misrata. Misrata lost its first martyr, Khalid Bu Shahma, the same day. I was also the first person to respond to Saad al-Islam’s allegations and threats on Al-Hurra on February 21st. I was the first person to say: “The regime falls after the death of the first martyr”.   I became highly wanted by the Gaddafi regime after that. How did you survive? MB: Thanks to God, I stayed with my family in Misrata until it was liberated on February 20th. I have been in Misrata for seven months now. I’m honoured that I have witnessed and lived through such historical moments.   AT: You were Gaddafi’s spokesman in early days of the revolution. Do you know how Gaddafi was planning to quell the revolution?   MB: I wasn’t Gaddafi’s spokesman – I quit that role in April 2010. In August 2010, I returned to work as a consultant on media affairs, but left voluntarily two weeks prior to the revolution. I was never in a position that gave me access to Gaddafi, and I didn’t seek contact with him. What I do know as a journalist interested in the national affairs is that Gaddafi never hesitated to use the most severe and extreme violence against opposition. He also expressed his outrage in public about the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions. AT:  You were very close to the regime; can you tell us how did the process of hiring the African mercenaries to quell the protests? MB: I wasn’t close to the regime, because I wasn’t close to Gadhafi. Gaddafi had absolute power and authority, so not being close to him, I was not privy to the process, although the situation surrounding the mercenaries is widely known. There are two types of mercenaries, the first type are poor Africans who came from Chad and the Darfur, or other countries to work legitimately in Libya. They were offered a financial incentive by Gaddafi that was too good to refuse.   The second type of mercenary is the fighters from Croatia, Serbia, Belarus, Colombia and other Latin American countries, who Gaddafi has used as snipers and operational experts. Rumours have suggested that Gaddafi also hired experts from Israel, but I cannot comment on this as I have no further information. AT: What role has NATO played in the battle? MB: I can’t ignore the role of NATO, but its role was less important than the role played by the Libyan people. Libya wouldn’t have been liberated with the rebels on the ground who sacrificed their lives.   However, the Libyan people look to France, Britain and America with gratitude for their support. We are also grateful to Turkey for its belated support, and Qatar and the UAE. We were offered help from across the globe.